Federalism and the Covid-19 pandemic: the Nigerian experience

Nigeria, administrative divisions.

Dele Babaloa is Lecturer in Politics and International Relations at Canterbury Christ Church University.

The COVID-19 pandemic is indeed a threat to global health security, and every country, be it unitary or federal, has a responsibility to respond to the crisis. Healthcare falls within the concurrent legislative list but Nigeria has adopted a top-down approach in its response to the pandemic, typifying the over-centralised nature of the federal system. The federal government has been at the forefront of the battle against the pandemic, deploying relevant federal instrumentalities. 

Nigeria confirmed its first case of Covid-19 on 27 February 2020 in Lagos as an Italian citizen who works in Nigeria tested positive to the virus. The individual was promptly isolated and treated in Lagos where he recovered. It would be recalled that the Ebola epidemic of 2014 was also “imported” into Nigeria via Lagos. Following the identification of the index case, the president, Muhammadu Buhari inaugurated a 12-member Presidential Task Force for the control of the pandemic on 9 March 2020.The task force team is led by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Boss Mustapha  and has the Minister of Health, Prof. Osagie Ehanire, the Director-General of Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC), Dr Chikwe Ihekweazu  and others as members.  

In an attempt to curb the spread of the virus, President Buhari announced the shut-down of schools and universities across the country, followed by a lockdown of Lagos and Ogun states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja on 29 March 2020, initially for 14 days, and extended for further 14 days. The move appears to undermine the autonomy of the states but the federal government has the power to declare a state of emergency in any state where there is a security threat. The Coronavirus, no doubt, constitutes human security, or specifically, health security threat. The legality of the pronouncement was settled as the President relied on the powers conferred on him by the Quarantine Act (CAP Q2 LFN 2004) to sign the COVID-19 Regulations, 2020. Those providing essential services, including food distributors and sellers were exempted from the lockdown while religious centres, schools, offices, restaurants and night clubs were shut. Buhari has consistently maintained that the Federal Government’s actions have been guided by scientific advice from the NCDC. To cushion the effects of the lockdown on the people, the President directed Nigeria Customs Service to distribute confiscated bags of rice to the needy across the country.  

The NCDC has been particularly visible, overseeing isolation and treatment centres across the country as well as providing regular updates and advice on the pandemic through its press briefings. Another federal institution that has been active is the military which has reportedly provided about 17 isolation centres across the country and has also engaged in massive production of Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) kits. Moreover, the army has been deployed to support the police in enforcing the restriction on movement, as well as help to protect shops from looters.  

The doctrines of self-rule and shared-rule have been epitomised in the Nigerian federation during the pandemic. At the state level, some governors have continued to rely on the relative autonomy enjoyed by the states to curb the spread of the virus within their respective jurisdictions. They have been providing isolation and treatment centres and putting in place different degrees of confinement measures. Every state has its response team inaugurated by the governor.  

Although supported with financial resources and logistics from the federal government, Lagos state’s fight against the Covid-19 has been particularly praiseworthy. Its response has been science-driven with the Commissioner of Health coordinating the activities of the various state agencies working on how to curb the spread of the virus. The governor’s announcement restricting people’s movement was also backed by relevant state legislation. Lagos is the commercial hub of Nigeria and any disease outbreak in the state has the tendency to harm the economy of the country. Several other governors have also cooperated with the federal government to invoke full or partial lockdowns.   

Of course, there have been cases of minor conflicts between the two main tiers of government. For instance, Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Wike who is from the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) arrested and kept in police custody two pilots who had flown some expatriates into the state capital, Port Harcourt, to perform some essential presidential assignments. Wike claimed he had shut the airports to stem the spread of the virus. Oyo state, which is also governed by the PDP has also found itself confronting the federal government. First, despite repeated advice from the medical community, the governor, Seyi Makinde held a political rally in Ibadan, the state capital on 19 March. Makinde, who later tested positive for the virus apologised for his blunder. Second, he rejected the state’s share of “Covid-19 Palliative” rice on the ground that the rice has expired and not suitable for consumption. 

Clearly, Nigeria’s federal architecture has risen to the daunting challenges posed by the Covid-19 pandemic. What is being witnessed at the moment is the practice of cooperative federalism in which both the federal and state governments have been cooperating in the country’s war against the pandemic. This is not suggesting that there have not been cases of antagonism or less cooperation but the crisis has shown that it is not feasible for the federal government and the state governments not to depend on each other for one thing or another. It may, therefore, be concluded that the utility of federalism in the diverse country is not in doubt. Nigeria’s handling of the Covid-19 crisis had been, so far, commendable.